Sunday, September 30, 2012

Arabian Nights (from Antoine Galland's French translation))

Some sources from Jill:



 http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.gsu.edu/stable/pdfplus/541287.pdf - Otherness and Otherworldliness: Edward W. Lane's Ethnographic Treatment of The Arabian Nights   -Author(s): Jennifer Schacker-Mill


http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.gsu.edu/stable/pdfplus/461348.pdf - The Rape of Gulliver: Case Study of a Source
-Author(s): Sheila Shaw


James Beattie - On Fable and Romance

http://books.google.com/books?id=ClkcBNyIfcIC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false - The Oriental Tale in England in the Eighteenth Century

 

Interest in the oriental tale:

Developing interest in alterity as the eighteenth century unfolded is evident also in Oliver Goldsmith's Citizen of the World, which you can have a taste of here:
http://books.google.com/books?id=A_0kAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA182-IA2&source=gbs_selected_pages&cad=3#v=onepage&q&f=false
This is the Norton introduction to Citizen of the World:
Imagining the Other
Oliver Goldsmith, from The Citizen of the World (1760–1761)
The Chinese philosopher named Lien Chi Altangi, "a native of Honan in China" (Letter I), is the invention of Oliver Goldsmith (c. 1730–1774). Lien Chi Altangi is a scholar who has learned English through his contact with the factor and other Englishmen at Canton, yet he is "entirely a stranger to their manners and customs" (Letter I). Altangi's letters from London to his friend Fum Hoam, the president of the Ceremonial Academy at Peking, "examine into opulence, buildings, sciences, arts, and manufactures, on the spot" (Letter II), and in so doing, expose both England's most ridiculous customs and its defining characteristics. For example, of the British reliance on sea-trade, Altangi exclaims: "I have known some provinces [in China] where there is not even a name for the ocean. What a strange people therefore am I got amongst, who have founded an empire on this unstable element, who build cities upon billows that rise higher than the mountains of Tipartala, and make the deep more formidable than the wildest tempest" (Letter II).
This device — using a foreign traveller as the naive narrator of a contemporary social satire — had been popularized by many writers, most notably Charles.Louis de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu, in his Persian Letters (1721). As a reviewer of Elizabeth Hamilton's novel, Translations of the Letters of a Hindoo Rajah (1796), observed:
There is no better vehicle for local satire than that of presenting remarks on the manners, laws, and customs of a nation, through the supposed medium of a foreigner, whose different views of things, as tinctured by the particular ideas and associations to which his mind has been habituated, often afford an excellent scope for raillery; and the mistakes into which such an observer is naturally betrayed, enliven the picture, and furnish the happiest opportunity for the display of humour and fancy. [The Critical Review, vol. 17 (July 1796): 241–249]
In addition to these literary precedents, Goldsmith had journeyed through much of Europe as a young man, and was familiar with the sense of cultural parallax or changed perspective that travel could induce in the traveller. He exploited this discovery in The Citizen of the World, and in his later fictionalization of his own travels, The Vicar of Wakefield (1766).
Although Goldsmith emphasizes Lien Chi Altangi's differences from that "strange people," the English, Goldsmith also wants to establish his narrator's authority to conduct an enquiry into English manners. He therefore constructs an idea of Chinese identity that stresses China's status as a civilized or "tutored" nation:
The truth is, the Chinese and we are pretty much alike. Different degrees of refinement, and not of distance, mark the distinctions among mankind. Savages of the most opposite climates have all but one character of improvidence and rapacity; and tutored nations, however separate, make use of the very same methods to procure refined enjoyment. ("The Editor's Preface," iii–iv)
Altangi is given further credibility and depth as a character through the creation of a frame story concerning his family in China. The frame story adds dramatic unity and tension to the letters, much like the frame of another popular "oriental" narrative, the Arabian Nights' Entertainments (first translated into English c. 1706–1721 by an anonymous Grub Street hack).
Originally printed in a periodical called The Public Ledger (1760–1761), Goldsmith's "Chinese Letters" were first collected and published as The Citizen of the World in 1762.
http://www.wwnorton.com/college/english/nael/18century/topic_4/goldsmith.htm

Questions from Jill:

1. Do you think the public readership at the time would have regarded Galland's Nights as a portrayal of embellished luxury in the Orient or an actual depiction of the people and customs of the Far East?

2. How do you think the various translations of the Nights texts throughout the years altered the original meaning of the tales and what impact did the particular audiences have on this influence to each translation?

3. How do Galland's comments about the moral nature of the texts at the beginning of his translation shape the scenes and stories he chose to include in his version?

Tuesday, September 18, 2012

Dryden's The Indian Emperor, or The Conquest of Mexico by the Spaniards



Here is a copyrighted commentary on William Hogarth's portrait of the Conduitt family amateur production of The Indian Emperor with a link to the commentary:

A Scene from 'The Conquest of Mexico' (1732-35)
'This charming scene of amateur theatricals records a performance of Dryden's The Indian Emperor at the home of John Conduitt, Master of the Mint, in St George's Street, Hanover Square. In commissioning the scene, Conduitt chose not only to record an important moment in the life of his only daughter Catherine, shown here in black to the right of the stage, but also to commemorate the particularly glittering social occasion which had accompanied the children's performance. While the host and hostess appear only as portraits on the wall above their guests, Hogarth cleverly balances his composition to display the distinguished audience without detracting from the impact of the scene on stage. Here, Catherine and her friends act out a dramatic moment, reminiscent of The Beggar's Opera, in which the Spanish leader Cortez must choose between the love of two Indian princesses.

Amongst the guests, Hogarth draws particular attention to the three royal children, William, Duke of Cumberland, and his sisters Mary and Louisa, who stand before the fireplace immediately behind their governess, Mary, Lady Deloraine. She in turn bends forward, encouraging one of her own daughters to pick up a fallen fan. To her left, the Duchess of Richmond watches the play, while her husband leans on the back of her chair. Behind him, the Earl of Pomfret, wearing the red sash of the Order of the Bath, engages in conversation with Thomas Hill, Secretary to the Board of Trade, while the Duke of Montagu looks on. The scene is to some extent dominated by a bust of Isaac Newton by Roubillac over the fireplace. Conduitt, who had succeeded Newton at the Mint and had married his niece Catherine, was the first biographer of his former colleague and friend, whose memory he did much to promote.'
By Neil McWilliam
http://hogarth.chez-alice.fr/gallery21.htm

This is Robert Dodd's 1792 engraving after Hogarth:
Prints after William Hogarth, ‘The Indian Emperor, engraved by Robert Dodd’ 1792


Discussion Questions from Sheena

1. Throughout the text, we see some romantic relationships develop between the conquering male Spaniards and the female natives. However, while Dryden hints at requited love at the end of the play (between Cydaria and Cortez), he never explicitly brings them together. Is this an intentional move on Dryden's part to express to his audience that this type of relationship between the conquering imperialists and the natives could never be, or is simply the way the play should have ended?

2. The Indian Emperour was written 20 years before Dryden's conversion to Catholicism. What are his views on Catholicism as expressed in the play, especially in the forced conversion scene (Act V, scene II)?

3. The women in the play are given many responsibilities when it comes to moving the plot along. Complete war is avoided because of Cydaria's influences over Cortez, but also encouraged because of Almeria's treachery. How do you think Dryden presents women in his work?


Link between the exotic and the royal family:

In another of Dryden's heroic dramas, The Conquest of Granada (1670), the role of Almahide, who is engaged to the Moor king Boabdelin, was played by the king's mistress, Nell Gwyn.  The production of the play was held up for several months, as the company had to wait for Gwyn's return to the stage after giving birth to the king's illegitimate son: http://www.berkshirehistory.com/bios/ngwynne.html


Here are a few sources:

Harris, Max, "Aztec Maidens in Satin Gowns: Alterity and Dialogue in Dryden's The Indian Emperour and Hogarth's The Conquest of Mexico," Restoration: Studies in English Literary Culture, 1660-1700 15.2 (1991): 59-70.

Hughes, Derek, "Dryden's The Indian Emperour and Georges de Scudéry's Alaric," Review of English Studies: A Quarterly Journal of English Literature and the English Language 33 (1982): 47-51.

 Perkins, Merle L., "Dryden's The Indian Emperour and Voltaire's Alzire," Comparative Literature 9.3 (1957): 229-37.

Alssid, Michael W, "The Perfect Conquest: A Study of Theme, Structure and Characters in Dryden's The Indian Emperor," Studies in Philology 59 (1962): 539-559.

 Ringler, Richard N., "Two Sources for Dryden's The Indian Emperour," Philological Quarterly 42 (1963): 423-429.

Loftis, John, "Exploration and Enlightenment: Dryden's The Indian Emperour and Its Background," Philological Quarterly 45 (1966): 71-84.

Sunday, September 2, 2012

Margaret Cavendish, The Blazing World

From Nancy, one of the useful entries in Pepys's diary about Margaret Cavendish:
http://www.pepysdiary.com/archive/1667/04/11/
Having received this money I home with Balty and it, and then abroad by coach with my wife and set her down at her father’s, and I to White Hall, thinking there to have seen the Duchess of Newcastle’s coming this night to Court, to make a visit to the Queene, the King having been with her yesterday, to make her a visit since her coming to town. The whole story of this lady is a romance, and all she do is romantick. Her footmen in velvet coats, and herself in an antique dress, as they say; and was the other day at her own play, “The Humourous Lovers;” the most ridiculous thing that ever was wrote, but yet she and her Lord mightily pleased with it; and she, at the end, made her respects to the players from her box, and did give them thanks. There is as much expectation of her coming to Court, that so people may come to see her, as if it were the Queen of Sheba [L&M say “Queen of Sweden”. P.G.]; but I lost my labour, for she did not come this night.

Pepys also said:
(March 18, 1668) Thence home, and there, in favour to my eyes, stayed at home, reading the ridiculous History of my Lord Newcastle, wrote by his wife, which shews her to be a mad, conceited, ridiculous woman, and he an asse to suffer her to write what she writes to him, and of him.

(May 30, 1667) After dinner I walked to Arundell House, the way very dusty, the day of meeting of the Society being changed from Wednesday to Thursday, which I knew not before, because the Wednesday is a Council- day, and several of the Council are of the Society, and would come but for their attending the King at Council; where I find much company, indeed very much company, in expectation of the Duchesse of Newcastle, who had desired to be invited to the Society; and was, after much debate, pro and con., it seems many being against it; and we do believe the town will be full of ballads of it. Anon comes the Duchesse with her women attending her; among others, the Ferabosco, of whom so much talk is that her lady would bid her show her face and kill the gallants. She is indeed black, and hath good black little eyes, but otherwise but a very ordinary woman I do think, but they say sings well. The Duchesse hath been a good, comely woman; but her dress so antick, and her deportment so ordinary, that I do not like her at all, nor did I hear her say any thing that was worth hearing, but that she was full of admiration, all admiration. Several fine experiments were shown her of colours, loadstones, microscopes, and of liquors among others, of one that did, while she was there, turn a piece of roasted mutton into pure blood, which was very rare. Here was Mrs. Moore [L&M say “Mr. Moore”. P.G.] of Cambridge, whom I had not seen before, and I was glad to see her; as also a very pretty black boy that run up and down the room, somebody’s child in Arundell House. After they had shown her many experiments, and she cried still she was full of admiration, she departed, being led out and in by several Lords that were there; among others Lord George Barkeley and Earl of Carlisle, and a very pretty young man, the Duke of Somerset. She gone, I by coach home, and there busy at my letters till night, and then with my wife in the evening singing with her in the garden with great pleasure, and so home to supper and to bed. http://www.pepysdiary.com/archive/1667/05/30/

(May 10, 1667) Then to my Lord Treasurer’s, but missed Sir Ph. Warwicke, and so back again, and drove hard towards Clerkenwell,1 thinking to have overtaken my Lady Newcastle, whom I saw before us in her coach, with 100 boys and girls running looking upon her but I could not: and so she got home before I could come up to her. But I will get a time to see her.

May 1, 1667)  Thence Sir W. Pen and I in his coach, Tiburne way, into the Park, where a horrid dust, and number of coaches, without pleasure or order. That which we, and almost all went for, was to see my Lady Newcastle; which we could not, she being followed and crowded upon by coaches all the way she went, that nobody could come near her; only I could see she was in a large black coach, adorned with silver instead of gold, and so white curtains, and every thing black and white, and herself in her cap, but other parts I could not make [out]. But that which I did see, and wonder at with reason, was to find Pegg Pen in a new coach, with only her husband’s pretty sister with her, both patched and very fine, and in much the finest coach in the park, and I think that ever I did see one or other, for neatness and richness in gold, and everything that is noble. My Lady Castlemayne, the King, my Lord St. Albans, nor Mr. Jermyn, have so neat a coach, that ever I saw. And, Lord! to have them have this, and nothing else that is correspondent, is to me one of the most ridiculous sights that ever I did see, though her present dress was well enough; but to live in the condition they do at home, and be abroad in this coach, astonishes me.

(April 26, 1667)  This done Sir W. Batten and I back again to London, and in the way met my Lady Newcastle going with her coaches and footmen all in velvet: herself, whom I never saw before, as I have heard her often described, for all the town-talk is now-a-days of her extravagancies, with her velvetcap, her hair about her ears; many black patches, because of pimples about her mouth; naked-necked, without any thing about it, and a black just-au-corps. She seemed to me a very comely woman: but I hope to see more of her on Mayday. My mind is mightily of late upon a coach.

(March 30, 1667)  Up, and the French periwigg maker of whom I bought two yesterday comes with them, and I am very well pleased with them. So to the office, where all the morning. At noon home to dinner, and thence with my wife’s knowledge and leave did by coach go see the silly play of my Lady Newcastle’s, called “The Humourous Lovers;” the most silly thing that ever come upon a stage. I was sick to see it, but yet would not but have seen it, that I might the better understand her. Here I spied Knipp and Betty, of the King’s house, and sent Knipp oranges, but, having little money about me, did not offer to carry them abroad, which otherwise I had, I fear, been tempted to.

Pepys on anatomy including circulation of the blood, which fascinated Margaret Cavendish too:

Friday 27 February 1662/63
Up and to my office, whither several persons came to me about office business. About 11 o’clock, Commissioner Pett and I walked to Chyrurgeon’s Hall (we being all invited thither, and promised to dine there); where we were led into the Theatre; and by and by comes the reader, Dr. Tearne, with the Master and Company, in a very handsome manner: and all being settled, he begun his lecture, this being the second upon the kidneys, ureters, &c., which was very fine; and his discourse being ended, we walked into the Hall, and there being great store of company, we had a fine dinner and good learned company, many Doctors of Phisique, and we used with extraordinary great respect. Among other observables we drank the King’s health out of a gilt cup given by King Henry VIII. to this Company, with bells hanging at it, which every man is to ring by shaking after he hath drunk up the whole cup. There is also a very excellent piece of the King, done by Holbein, stands up in the Hall, with the officers of the Company kneeling to him to receive their Charter. After dinner Dr. Scarborough took some of his friends, and I went along with them, to see the body alone, which we did, which was a lusty fellow, a seaman, that was hanged for a robbery. I did touch the dead body with my bare hand: it felt cold, but methought it was a very unpleasant sight. It seems one Dillon, of a great family, was, after much endeavours to have saved him, hanged with a silken halter this Sessions (of his own preparing), not for honour only, but it seems, it being soft and sleek, it do slip close and kills, that is, strangles presently: whereas, a stiff one do not come so close together, and so the party may live the longer before killed. But all the Doctors at table conclude, that there is no pain at all in hanging, for that it do stop the circulation of the blood; and so stops all sense and motion in an instant. Thence we went into a private room, where I perceive they prepare the bodies, and there were the kidneys, ureters [&c.], upon which he read to-day, and Dr. Scarborough upon my desire and the company’s did show very clearly the manner of the disease of the stone and the cutting and all other questions that I could think of … [Poor Mr. Wheatley could not even stand a medical lecture on physiology. D.W.] how the water [comes] into the bladder through the three skins or coats just as poor Dr. Jolly has heretofore told me. Thence with great satisfaction to me back to the Company, where I heard good discourse, and so to the afternoon Lecture upon the heart and lungs, &c., and that being done we broke up, took leave, and back to the office, we two, Sir W. Batten, who dined here also, being gone before. Here late, and to Sir W. Batten’s to speak upon some business, where I found Sir J. Minnes pretty well fuddled I thought: he took me aside to tell me how being at my Lord Chancellor’s to-day, my Lord told him that there was a Great Seal passing for Sir W. Pen, through the impossibility of the Comptroller’s duty to be performed by one man; to be as it were joynt-comptroller with him, at which he is stark mad; and swears he will give up his place, and do rail at Sir W. Pen the cruellest; he I made shift to encourage as much as I could, but it pleased me heartily to hear him rail against him, so that I do see thoroughly that they are not like to be great friends, for he cries out against him for his house and yard and God knows what. For my part, I do hope, when all is done, that my following my business will keep me secure against all their envys. But to see how the old man do strut, and swear that he understands all his duty as easily as crack a nut, and easier, he told my Lord Chancellor, for his teeth are gone; and that he understands it as well as any man in England; and that he will never leave to record that he should be said to be unable to do his duty alone; though, God knows, he cannot do it more than a child. All this I am glad to see fall out between them and myself safe, and yet I hope the King’s service well done for all this, for I would not that should be hindered by any of our private differences. So to my office, and then home to supper and to bed.

Robert Hooke's Micrographia

 
Here is a UC Berkeley site that summarizes Hooke's key work on microscopes and has further links:
http://www.ucmp.berkeley.edu/history/hooke.html

An article on Newton, the Royal Society, and the telescope that we have in J-STOR (you will need to be logged in through GSU to access this):

http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.gsu.edu/stable/531836?&Search=yes&searchText=Society%27s&searchText=Telescope&searchText=Royal&searchText=Newton&searchText=Account&list=hide&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DAn%2BAccount%2Bof%2Bthe%2BRoyal%2BSociety%2527s%2BNewton%2BTelescope%26acc%3Don%26wc%3Don&prevSearch=&item=1&ttl=381&returnArticleService=showFullText
 Or put the search terms "An Account of the Royal Society's Newton Telescope" in the search bar of J-STOR.

If you are interested in the empirical science behind Blazing World you can also search in J-STOR, MLA etc for "Royal Society 1600-1699" or "Royal Society Margaret Cavendish"

Some secondary source suggestions from Nancy:

Royalist, Romancist, Racialist: Rank, Gender, and Race in the Science and Fiction of Margaret Cavendish

(This is  Iyengar, Sujata,  English Literary History 69 (3): 649-72, 2001




http://www.jstor.org/stable/30032037?seq=4


Margaret Cavendish among the prophets: performance ideologies and gender in and after the english civil war
(This is Wiseman, Susan, Women's Writing 6: 95-111, 1999)




http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/09699089900200062


Cavendish's Poems 

 

 

The weight of Atomes. If Atomes are as small, as small can bee, 
They must in quantity of Matter all agree: 
And if consisting Matter of the same (be right,) 
Then every Atome must weigh just alike. 
Thus Quantity, Quality and Weight, all 
Together meets in every Atome small. 

The joyning of severall Figur'd Atomes make other Figures.  Severall Figur'd Atomes well agreeing, 
When joyn'd, do give another Figure being. 
For as those Figures joyned, severall waies, 
The Fabrick of each severall Creature raise. 

_______________ 
Line 1.  Severall Figur'd: distinctively shaped.
Line 2.  Figure: shape, form
Line 4.  Severall: distinct, individual.

A World in an Eare-Ring. 

An Eare-ring round may well a Zodiacke bee, 
Where in a Sun goeth round, and we not see. 
And Planets seven about that Sun may move, 
And Hee stand still, as some wise men would prove. 
And fixed Stars, like twinkling Diamonds, plac'd 
About this Eare-ring, which a World is vast. 
That same which doth the Eare-ring hold, the hole
Is that, which we do call the Pole
There nipping Frosts may be, and Winter cold, 
Yet never on the Ladies Eare take hold.                                   10 
And Lightnings, Thunder, and great Winds may blow 
Within this Eare-ring, yet the Eare not know. 
There Seas may ebb, and flow, where Fishes swim, 
And Islands be, where Spices grow therein. 
There Christall Rocks hang dangling at each Eare
And Golden Mines as Jewels may they weare. 
There Earth-quakes be, which Mountains vast downe fling, 
And yet nere stir the Ladies Eare, nor Ring
There Meadowes bee, and Pastures fresh, and greene
And Cattell feed, and yet be never seene:                                  20 
And Gardens fresh, and Birds which sweetly sing, 
Although we heare them not in an Eare-ring
There Night, and Day, and Heat, and Cold, and so 
May Life, and Death, and Young, and Old, still grow. 
Thus Youth may spring, and severall Ages dye, 
Great Plagues may be, and no Infections nigh, 
There Cityes bee, and stately Houses built, 
Their inside gaye, and finely may be gilt. 
There Churches bee, and Priests to teach therein, 
And Steeple too, yet heare the Bells not ring.                            30 
From thence may pious Teares to Heaven run, 
And yet the Eare not know which way they're gone. 
There Markets bee, and things both bought, and sold, 
Know not the price, nor how the Markets hold. 
There Governours do rule, and Kings do Reigne, 
And Battels fought, where many may be slaine. 
And all within the Compasse of this Ring
And yet not tidings to the Wearer bring. 
Within the Ring wise Counsellors may sit, 
And yet the Eare not one wise word may get.                           40 
There may be dancing all Night at a Ball
And yet the Eare be not disturb'd at all. 
There Rivals Duels fight, where some are slaine; 
There Lovers mourne, yet heare them not complaine. 
And Death may dig a Lovers Grave, thus were 
A Lover Dead, in a Faire Ladies Eare
But when the Ring is broke, the World is done, 
Then Lovers they into Elysium run.



Here is a BIOGRAPHICAL article from the Encyclopedia of World Biography. Copyright 2010 The Gale Group, Inc. All rights reserved:

Margaret Lucas Cavendish Biography

Margaret Cavendish (1623-1673) was one of the first prolific female science writers. As the author of approximately 14 scientific or quasi-scientific books, she helped to popularize some of the most important ideas of the scientific revolution, including the competing vitalistic and mechanistic natural philosophies and atomism. A flamboyant and eccentric woman, Cavendish was the most visible of the "scientific ladies" of the seventeenth century.
Margaret Lucas was born into a life of luxury near Colchester, England, in 1623, the youngest of eight children of Sir Thomas Lucas. She was educated informally at home. At the age of eighteen, she left her sheltered life to become Maid of Honor to Queen Henrietta Maria, wife of Charles I, accompanying the queen into exile in France following the defeat of the royalists in the civil war. There she fell in love with and married William Cavendish, the Duke of Newcastle, a 52 year-old widower, who had been commander of the royalist forces in the north of England. Joining other exiled royalists in Antwerp, the couple rented the mansion of the artist Rubens. Margaret Cavendish was first exposed to science in their informal salon society, "The Newcastle Circle," which included the philosophers Thomas Hobbes, René Descartes, and Pierre Gassendi. She visited England in 1651-52 to try to collect revenues from the Newcastle estate to satisfy their foreign creditors. It was at this time that Cavendish first gained her reputation for extravagant dress and manners, as well as for her beauty and her bizarre poetry.

Published Original Natural Philosophy

Cavendish prided herself on her originality and boasted that her ideas were the products of her own imagination, not derived from the writings of others. Cavendish's first anthology, Poems, and Fancies, included the earliest version of her natural philosophy. Although English atomic theory in the seventeenth century attempted to explain all natural phenomena as matter in motion, in Cavendish's philosophy all atoms contained the same amount of matter but differed in size and shape; thus, earth atoms were square, water particles were round, atoms of air were long, and fire atoms were sharp. This led to her humoral theory of disease, wherein illness was due to fighting between atoms or an overabundance of one atomic shape. However in her second volume, Philosophical Fancies, published later in the same year, Cavendish already had disavowed her own atomic theory. By 1663, when she published Philosophical and Physical Opinions, she had decided that if atoms were "Animated Matter," then they would have "Free-will and Liberty" and thus would always be at war with one another and unable to cooperate in the creation of complex organisms and minerals. Nevertheless, Cavendish continued to view all matter as composed of one material, animate and intelligent, in contrast to the Cartesian view of a mechanistic universe.

Challenged Other Scientists

Cavendish and her husband returned to England with the restoration of the monarchy in 1660 and, for the first time, she began to study the works of other scientists. Finding herself in disagreement with most of them, she wrote Philosophical Letters: or, Modest Reflections upon some Opinions in Natural Philosophy, maintained by several Famous and Learned Authors of this Age, Expressed by way of Letters in 1664. Cavendish sent copies of this work, along with Philosophical and Physical Opinions, by special messenger to the most famous scientists and celebrities of the day. In 1666 and again in 1668, she published Observations upon Experimental Philosophy, a response to Robert Hooke's Micrographia, in which she attacked the use of recently-developed microscopes and telescopes as leading to false observations and interpretations of the natural world. Included in the same volume with Observations was The Blazing World was a semi-scientific utopian romance, in which Cavendish declared herself "Margaret the First."

Invited to the Royal Society

More than anything else, Cavendish yearned for the recognition of the scientific community. She presented the universities of Oxford and Cambridge with each of her publications and she ordered a Latin index to accompany the writings she presented to the University of Leyden, hoping thereby that her work would be utilized by European scholars.
After much debate among the membership of the Royal Society of London, Cavendish became the first woman invited to visit the prestigious institution, although the controversy had more to due with her notoriety than with her sex. On May 30, 1667, Cavendish arrived with a large retinue of attendants and watched as Robert Boyle and Robert Hooke weighed air, dissolved mutton in sulfuric acid, and conducted various other experiments. It was a major advance for the scientific lady and a personal triumph for Cavendish.
Cavendish published the final revision of her Philosophical and Physical Opinions, entitled Grounds of Natural Philosophy, in 1668. Significantly more modest than her previous works, in this volume Cavendish presented her views somewhat tentatively and retracted some of her earlier, more extravagant claims. Cavendish acted as her own physician, and her self-inflicted prescriptions, purgings, and bleedings resulted in the rapid deterioration of her health. She died in 1673 and was buried in Westminster Abbey.
Although her writings remained well outside the mainstream of seventeenth-century science, Cavendish's efforts were of major significance. She helped to popularize many of the ideas of the scientific revolution and she was one of the first natural philosophers to argue that theology was outside the parameters of scientific inquiry. Furthermore, her work and her prominence as England's first recognized woman scientist argued strongly for the education of women and for their involvement in scientific pursuits. In addition to her scientific writings, Cavendish published a book of speeches, a volume of poetry, and a large number of plays. Several of the latter, particularly The Female Academy, included learned women and arguments in favor of female education. Her most enduring work, a biography of her husband, included as an appendix to her 24 page memoir, was first published in 1656 as a part of Nature's Pictures. This memoir is regarded as the first major secular autobiography written by a woman.

Books

Alic, Margaret, Hypatia's Heritage: A History of Women in Science from Antiquity through the Nineteenth Century, Beacon Press, 1986.
Battigelli, Anna, Margaret Cavendish and the Exiles of the Mind, University Press of Kentucky, 1998.
Grant, Douglas, Margaret the First: A Biography of Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle, 1623-1673, University of Toronto Press, 1957.
Kargon, Robert Hugh, Atomism in England from Hariot to Newton, Clarendon, 1966.
Meyer, Gerald Dennis, The Scientific Lady in England 1650-1760: An Account of her Rise, with emphasis on the Major Roles of the Telescope and Microscope, University of California Press, 1955.
Schiebinger, Londa, The Mind Has No Sex? Women in the Origins of Modern Science, Harvard University Press, 1989.

PIERRE GASSENDI
One of the big influences on Margaret Cavendish's thinking was the Epicurean atomism of Pierre Gassendi.  Here is the link to the Stanford Encylcopedia entry on Gassendi as well as the intro section from it:
http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/gassendi/
Pierre Gassendi (b. 1592, d. 1655) was a French philosopher, scientific chronicler, observer, and experimentalist, scholar of ancient texts and debates, and active participant in contemporary deliberations of the first half of the seventeenth century. His significance in early modern thought has in recent years been rediscovered and explored, towards a better understanding of the dawn of modern empiricism, the mechanical philosophy, and relations of modern philosophy to ancient and medieval discussions. While Gassendi is perhaps best known in history of philosophy for his disputes with Descartes, his relations with other major figures, including Kepler, Galileo, Mersenne, Beeckman, and Hobbes, represented even more important transactions of ideas. And while Gassendi also sought to communicate anew the ideas of Epicurus, the Stoics, and other earlier thinkers, his resulting amalgam of perspectives provides a modern view of his own making, one of the touchstones of philosophy and science in his times: our access to knowledge of the natural world is dependent on the constraints and licenses that follow from our epistemic grasp being limited to information provided by senses. Through this arch-empiricism—tempered by his priestly adherence to key elements of Church doctrine—Gassendi views metaphysics as a realm for speculation grounded in the possibility of empirical confirmation, logic as (by turns) a psychologistic and probabilistic enterprise, knowledge of the external world as built on and forever subject to sensory-based evidence, and ethics in quasi-hedonist, possibly quantifiable terms. Gassendi's philosophy is a constant review of other sources, a thorough consideration of the landscape into which his own empiricism fits and represents an alternative to contrasting claims, past and present. What is sometimes thought of as eclecticism—particularly in the posthumous masterwork, the Syntagma Philosophicum—actually recasts philosophy as a fully-referenced scholarly enterprise, advancing historical styles and rhetorical modes in philosophical research and exposition. In these changes he matches even the magnitude of innovation that marks his atomist matter theory, empiricist perspectives, explorations and defenses of the new physics, objections to the Meditations, and refutations of contemporary Aristotelians and mystical thinkers. It has been argued—perhaps unfairly—that Gassendi's core ideas are better preserved through the medium of writings by Boyle, Locke, Huygens, and Newton. Yet his presentation of an empiricism, atomism, and new cosmology in historical and philosophical context greatly advanced the community of scholarship in his day, and represents what was then a fairly new model of research and exposition—still in philosophical use today.

THE ROYAL SOCIETY
The following link to Jack Lynch's online edition of selections from the Royal Society gives you a sense right away of the rejection of syllogistic reasoning in favor of empirical methodology as well as emphasis on mathematical style in language (a masculine discourse that was opposed to chaotic feminine elements of pleasure):
http://andromeda.rutgers.edu/~jlynch/Texts/sprat.html

Some questions for discussion from Nancy, who is presenting:

 1. The Blazing World has been said to "border on schizophrenia." What is your reaction to that statement?

2. How could a "rhetoric of loss" help us understand this work?

3. What are the components of Cavendish's Utopia?


Bibliographical materials reviewed:


Holmesland, Oddvar, 'Margaret Cavendish's Blazing World:  Natural Art and the Body Politic', Studies in Philology 96: 457-79, 1999.
http://ehis.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.gsu.edu/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=13c5f511-c71c-4f3a-b746-90f987db3228%40sessionmgr111&vid=4&hid=23




In his article entitled “Margaret Cavendish’s The Blazing World: Natural Art and Body Politic” Oddvar Holmesland  takes “a sympathetic view” of Cavendish and her self labeled “ambition.” He seeks to reconcile Cavendish’s contradictory inclinations to portray both an “aristocratic ideology” as well as “a new order where women’s true potential is valued” (Holmesland, 458). Holmesland begins with a review of  criticism aimed at  Cavendish on mostly feminist grounds.  He mentions Lisa T. Sarasohn, who writes that Cavendish “defended the superiority of monarchy and hierarchy, reflecting class rather than gender solidarity” and Susan Wiseman who states that Cavendish “mounted only limited challenges to gender hierarchy.” Holmesland also mentions Janet Todd who suggests that “the Duchess’s immense egoism puffs out any incipient feminist feeling.” Holmesland’s more sympathetic interpretation of Cavendish makes claims that the reader could interpret Cavendish’s wish ‘not only to be Empress, but Authoress of a whole world’... in a ‘poetical’ sense. He centers Cavendish’s achievement  in her creation of an “epistemological space” brought about by  her “artistic vision” (458). Holmesland writes, that Cavendish, “In her artistic vision... explores a more natural Restoration world, expanded and complemented through the individual creative imagination” (459). He finds that The Blazing World offers a dialectic “between an aristocratically conceived natural order and the desire for emulation and singularity’ (459). This notion of singularity is crucial to Holmesland. He finds that there is a transition  “from the ‘ideology of absolute monarchy’ to that of ‘absolute self” (460).
Holmesland states  that critics have noted a dialectic, but “not on the premise of nature” (459). He believes that she seeks to present a “naturalizing” method where “the notion of self becomes relative through references to the motion of nature thought to permeate all individuals, like all matter” (464).  He finds that her “idea of singularity seems closely linked to attaining the privilege of a natural artistic freedom” (460). He states, then, that it would be “reductive” to consider her perspective “solipsistic” (460). From his readings in her Observations,” Holmesland finds  that Cavendish was fascinated with matter and motion - “with self motion being the basic process in a naturally ordered universe“”(463). He believes that she represents “civic humanism” which “treats human affairs, political and economic, in accordance with a presumed law of the universe” (463).  He also finds that her “poetical description” is a means of transcending the limits of empirical observation. He writes that Cavendish uses the imagination, the free mind, as “analogies to nature’s free motion.” (469)  In this way, Cavendish “creates a complex blend of theological, romantic, fantastic, scientifically experimental, and philosophically speculative ode -a kind of “hybridization” (470.) He notes  from her “Observations” that “Art produces Hermaphroditical effects, that is, such are partly Natural, and partly Artificial” (470). Holmesland finds Cavendish expressing that: “poetic freedom allows individuals the opportunity of hybridized self-creation” (475) and that she presents “poetic freedom as a starting point for restoring natural relations among people” (475). Her expression of hermaphrodite space allows the simultaneous consideration of more than one point of view. He believes  that Cavendish creates her own Cabbala where she fashions contradictory elements into a world “of peace and tranquility” (475).
Holmesland writes  that it is “too confining...to sum up The Blazing World as the imaginary voyage of an imperialistic self. Rather, the imperialist vision- the image of the expanded self- also makes a widening artistic and epistemological space” (478). In this epistemological space, Cavendish is then free to explore contradictory ideas concurrently, making The Blazing World a place of freedom  --what one might term an “epistemological community.” Although Holmesland frees Cavendish by placing her artistic aims as beyond the scope of everyday politics and gender issues, positing her strength in the creation of free artistic space, Cavendish, in The Blazing World, still presents readers with a complex work that yields more questions than answers, which may be the point. Cavendish explores and reveals the concerns and anxieties not only of herself as an individual but her society as a whole. Her concept of herself as an individual sits uneasily alongside her concept and support of a national identity. Holmesland gives us some tools to take a look at this hermaphroditic creation.
  (Reviewer, Nancy)

Tuesday, August 28, 2012

Class on Oroonoko


Readings from EEBO (you don’t need to know these well—you might just glance at them before class in order to enhance our discussion).
(Possible sources that Aphra Behn might have had access to.  What do you think?)
1.      Warren, George, An impartial description of Surinam upon the continent of Guiana in America with a history of several strange beasts, birds, fishes, serpents, insects and customs of that colony, etc. / worthy the perusal of all, from experience of George Warren ... , London : Printed by William Godbid for Nathaniel Brooke ..., 1667.

2.     Rochefort, Charles-César, comte de., The history of the Caribby-islands, viz, Barbados, St Christophers, St Vincents, Martinico, Dominico, Barbouthos, Monserrat, Mevis, Antego, &c in all XXVIII in two books : the first containing the natural, the second, the moral history of those islands : illustrated with several pieces of sculpture representing the most considerable rarities therein described : with a Caribbian vocabulary / rendred into English by John Davies ... , London : Printed by J.M. for Thomas Dring and John Starkey, and are to be sold at their shops ..., 1666.  [I used the second entry under search terms “Davies, John” and “Caribby-Islands” in author and title.  Then go to image 171 or pages 314-15 for a description of the Indian chiefs and mutilation.

3.      Behn, Aphra, Abdelazer, or, The Moor's revenge a tragedy, as it is acted at His Royal Highness the Duke's Theatre / written by Mrs. A. Behn. , London : Printed for J. Magnes and R. Bentley ..., 1677.

Suggested ideas for searching in EEBO and ECCO if you are interested in this topic: What else can you find about English settlements in South America in the seventeenth-century and their presentation of the native peoples there?  This will complement our work on The Indian Emperor as well.

Mallipeddi, Ramesh, "Spectacle, Spectatorship, and Sympathy in Aphra Behn's Oroonoko," Eighteenth-Century Studies 45.4 (2012): 475-496.  Here is a link through Project Muse in our library database:
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/eighteenth-century_studies/toc/ecs.45.4.html




Article Review

“’Tis There eternal spring:” Mapping the Exotic in Aphra Behn’s  Oroonoko by Andrew Hisock

[Hisock, Andrew. “Tis there eternal spring: Mapping the Exotic in Aphra Behn’s Oroonoko”.  Journal of the Short Story in English. 29 (Autumn 1997).  (Online).]


Hisock in his article posits to analyze Behn’s Oroonooko as an early novella which experimented both with genre and narration as well as Behn’s  (possible) ability to “generate her other self” in narratorial terms (2).  Furthermore, Hisock highlights ways in which even as a female writer, Behn produces an “exotic other” in her representations of blackness
The first half of the article is dedicated to outlining Behn’s history as a rarity in Restoration England: a woman able to sustain herself independently as a successful playwright.  However, Hisock argues that her real innovation and strength was not her plays (albeit successful) but her venture into prose writing because of the eventual decay of the theaters amidst the “Popish Plot”.Oroonooko was Behn’s attempt at reaching a mass market and expanding her income via prose narrative.
Hisock’s main argument, however, is that Behn’s positions woman and black people as “other” and important yet holds to conventional frameworks of patriarchy.  To quote Hiscock: “Behn does not conduct the whole narrative in accordance with the expectations of such writing: the reader will not find the familiar romance vision with the pressures of cultural restrains are challenged by a female value-system focusing on love…there is no possibility that the heroine (narrator or Imoinda) may be allowed to break out of identities imposed upon her by an inhibiting patriarchy” (Hisock 3).  With regards to her portrayal of black people as the “exotic other, Hisock argues that Behn fantasizes a world unknown to much of seventeenth-century England but was “popular of the orientalist narrative of contemporary French writers” (3).  Therefore, Orronokoo presents a romantic view of blacks and Hisock takes great pains to highlight the ways in which critics have dismissed her views of blacks and instead call Behn a “seductress”—using titillation and emotion to exploit her audience’s ignorance of cultures beyond their own (4).
            Hisock further maps the “othering” of women and blacks in his assessment of Behn’s treatment of Oroonooko’s sexual power dynamics and his relationship with Imoinda.  Hisock argues that the political entanglements of Oroonooko are based solely on the “erotic ambitions of the ruling classes” (6).  Hisock positions the character of Oroonoko as both a “Restoration rake-hero” as well as brutal yet noble patriarchal savage. Imoinda becomes sexual commodity and Behn is aware of the European notions of an exotic world as savage, sexual and uninhibited in its ability to negotiate patriarchy even during slavery.   Behn, as Hisock points out, in the midst of these Eurocentric views treads lightly as to not “challenge enslavement as a malignant cultural practice” (6). Thus, she maintains and does not interrogate practices via her narrative in Oroonoko.
          
Finally, Hisock returns to his initial argument regarding the narrator and her “othered” selves as she others the natives of Surinam as well as her own position of “other” within the exotic world of the text.  The bodies of Surinam Indians become “othered specimens” (7) in her new world narrative.  Hisock also argues that it within this framework of “new world narrative” that our hero, Oronooko, also becomes a “circus attraction” (10) in this new world while the narrator’s otherness providers her with a sort of omniscient presence although it is an unstable one “riddled with contradictions and discontinuities and these frequently result in her furthering the interest of a very colonial society which repressing her cultural status” (11).
Hisock’s article does a great job of engaging the reader with the ways in which the text of Ornookoo, although written by a woman, deliberately engages in notions of patriarchy, colonial thought and exotic otherness and does very little to interrogate those ideas. Hisock praises Behn’s ability to make creative strides in narrative genre writing as a woman but also highlights her inability to divorce her writing from traditions of the period and this becomes “a disappointingly conservative prose writer” (12).